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August, 2005
There’s two ways to look at the rush-to-judgment the
Bush administration is forcing on Iraqis as they struggle
toward a constitution.
A certain truth is that without a gun at their
heads, Kurds, Sunnis and Shiites would be at the bargaining
table for years
to come.
Just as certain, is the fact that the timetable argued
as inviolable is a political necessity and the politics
at risk
are American rather than Iraqi.
George Bush has a greased rope to climb so far as Iraq
and his mismanaged war is concerned and even he has to finally
recognize a legacy-at-stake when he sees one. So, it’s
cut-and-run time in a war where he’s consistently claimed
America will ‘stay the course.’ The timekeeper
for the cut before the run is American Ambassador to Iraq,
Zalmay Khalilzad, who’s just cut-and-run himself from
duties as Ambassador to Afghanistan, his native country.
Khalilzad is a guy who knows the ropes of this part of
the world and, over a career in American politics, he’s
been as successful a negotiator with terrorists as he has
with matters of state. (As an aside to the issue at hand,
he might have been a brilliant choice as propaganda-master
to the Muslim world instead of the shaky option to give the
job to Karen Hughes) Khalilzad is the guy holding the
gun as the Iraqi constitution gets steamrollered into Parliament,
where it lies at this moment, like a turd in a punchbowl.
GB first decreed a war, then a victory, now a constitution,
soon a plebiscite to confirm that constitution, then a national
election, followed as quickly as possible by the withdrawal
of American troops, followed shortly thereafter by chaos,
disintegration and civil war.
What a guy!
By speeding this process, perhaps necessarily but certainly
unwisely, he may even have forced the dissolution of Parliament
and that would be a setback far more destabilizing than an
additional several weeks of debate. Because that’s
the choice. According to current law, Parliament will either receive the draft of the new charter or vote on setting a
new deadline. If it doesn't agree on either, the legislature
will have to dissolve.
Abdul-Khaleq Zangana, a Kurdish member
of the drafting committee said there were problems with the
role of religion and women's rights.' He predicted ''either
an extension -- and this is not good -- or parliament dissolves
-- and this is difficult.''
Understatement of the week. Difficult doesn’t
half say it.
Other problems touch upon the creation of Iraq as a federation,
which would give much-desired autonomy to Kurd, Sunni and
Shiite areas of Iraq but brings with it an incentive to become
independent. Then there’s the matter of who gets how
much of the national oil revenue. And the writing of laws.
The various negotiating blocs agreed that no laws would
be adopted that contradict the principles of Islam. Fair enough,
but they agreed that in addition, no law shall be adopted
that contradicts human rights and democratic principles.
That's a far tougher call. Sharia, human rights and democratic
principles, each countermanding the other are sure to make
it impossibly complicated to write new law for this new country,
a secular nation in its recent past.
So, there’s no doubt a certain amount of finger-crossing
down on the ranch as this all spins its way into reality.
But this president, who has been accused of many things,
is determined not to be accused of allowing the schedule
to fail.
The Iraqi nation may fail and the original intent may fail
(although it’s become murky enough over the past year
to resist) and the military may be asked to rack up yet another
failure.
But the schedule will prevail.
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