"The Income Tax has made
more liars out of the American people than Golf has. Even when you make one out on the level, you don't know when
it's through if you are a Crook or a Martyr."
Will
Rogers
Suppose you've just been to your
accountant and he says you owe eleven hundred bucks on your Income Taxes,
nine hundred and a few bucks to the Feds and the rest to your state.
Somehow or another, this year you had yourself all primed for a refund.
Welcome to what's happened during eighty-five years of fiddling with
the tax code.
Last year you itemized and your
form ran to eleven pages and the accountant bought himself the latest
software and has you on computer. So if he blew something last
year, and chances are he did, you'll be living with it for who knows
how long? That missed carry-forward from the money you loaned
and lost to your brother-in-law is gone forever.
This country needs a four line Tax
Form, a flat-tax and regardless of what we all think about Mr. Forbes,
we need it quickly. One line for how much we made, another how
much we owe, third how much we've already paid or had withheld and fourth,
who owes who how much. Four lines, one page and the government
mails you a check or you mail them one. Simplicity itself and
everyone could figure it out.
A huge windfall for the wealthy?
That's been the major complaint over the Forbes plan and there's considerable
justification. A two tiered flat-tax would take care of most of
the griping about unfairness, something that might kick in at an agreed-upon
number, perhaps $500,000 per household. The flat- tax percentage
would double on all income above that number. The wealthy would
thereby pay a fairer share, but not be encumbered by the endless graduations
and bracketing that make liars of us all.
At one point in my life when I was
in the construction business, we used to get a set of specifications
from the architect as a part of the bid documents. Specs are the
how-to-do-it explanations that go along with a set of plans. They
were always presented in a book form nearly four inches thick and hardly
anyone ever read them, except for the section on payouts and that was
only a page or two. It was a historical document, much as the
tax code is a historical (some would say hysterical) document.
Every time some contractor screwed up, the architects put another clause
in the specs to keep it from happening again. Actually, not so
much to keep it from happening, they knew good and well it would happen.
The clauses were mainly to cover their butt. But the result was
that the book got thicker and a clause somewhere in the front was bound
to contradict another clause found somewhere in the back, so there was
ample opportunity to get around any truly unreasonable requirement.
Nobody ever really knew where they stood, not the designer and not the
builder. Nothing that's been invented yet, beats a handshake.
You do the job right and I'll pay you the money, that's all we really
expect. Tax collection ought to be a handshake.
We've only had an Income Tax in
this country since 1913 and now the Tax Code makes those architects
and their specifications look like paupers. The IRS has
found a way to create a tax "specification" so endlessly cross-referenced
and complicated that even they can't figure it out anymore. If
you ask three different agents for clarification, you will very likely
get three different answers.
Suppose we really did have a four
line Tax Form, or six lines if you feel the need. Instead of these
damnable sliding brackets that make no one happy, with thousands of
deductions and loopholes, just sixteen or eighteen percent across the
board on personal income and no deductions. Ten or twelve
percent across the board for corporations and mom and pop grocery stores
alike, and no deductions. The actual percentages would need
to be agreed upon after a look at the federal requirement for income
and the gross personal and corporate income. Mr. Forbes is a fair-minded
man and if he thinks seventeen percent will do it, I can live with that
for purposes of argument.
If you earn fifty thousand, you
kick eight thousand five hundred to the government and keep forty-one
five. No deduction for interest on the mortgage and no write-off
for an uninsured loss. If you want to buy a home, then buy one.
If you choose not to insure something and it's stolen or lost, that's
your choice. There is no justifiable reason for government to
be in the middle of those decision-making processes. If you chose
to rent, why should your taxes subsidize my purchase of a home?
If your golf clubs are lost or stolen, why should I have to pay part
of the bill for new ones?
There are those who claim the rich
and super-rich would be victims, that they feed off those deductions
and their whole lives are organized around the loopholes that they've
fought for and won. But my instinct is that they hate them and
big business hates them as well. The complicated decision-making
and investing process would be much more simple and straightforward,
if it weren't for the Tax Code as it now exists. The CEO of a
corporation who wants to implement a particular strategy has to wait
for months, while a hundred accountants and fifty tax lawyers fight
back and forth over whether or not he can do it. Even then, they're
not really sure, the IRS may make a retroactive ruling five years down
the road. It puts the whole money-making process at a hell of
a disadvantage and those disadvantages have a large impact on the average
worker's job security. All too many downsizings and decisions
to manufacture off-shore are as much founded in tax advantages as they
are wage concessions.
Why should an equitable tax code
allow a profitable business to buy an unprofitable one and charge it
off against income? That forces you and me to get stuck with the
bill, at your and my government's invitation. If one corporation
wants to buy another, fine. But it should be a good business decision
and not just a good tax decision.
And along with that, the three-martini
lunch goes by the boards.
In my view, the three-martini lunch is a perfect example of inequity
and paper-fumbling. No one likes all that bean-counting on every
little expense. And the cost of the bookwork is a backbreaker.
Business should be happy to take ten or twelve percent of gross income,
with no deductions and hand it over to the government.
If the American wage-earner is allowed
to keep eighty-five percent of what he makes and the businessman ninety
percent, the economy of this country will take off like a car that's
just been shoved out of the mud. Accountants and tax attorneys
will squeal, but they'll find much else to do in an expanded economy.
There is a huge problem in allowing
the first special-interest deduction. As soon as the door is opened
to one, all the others are re-invited and we we will find ourselves
right back where we are now, in chaos and inequity. With a two
tiered no deduction flat-tax, the government will be able to send half
it's IRS agents home and collect the money they're fairly and equitably
entitled to, without making tax cheats of us all.
What about the poor? Is it
fair and equitable to take sixteen percent of what they've got as well?
I think so, even those on welfare. That's one of the big problems
right now, facing welfare recipients. If they get off welfare
and get a job, their actual take home pay decreases. That sad
fact is one result of the graduated tax, it penalizes bootstrapping
one's way out of poverty. With a two-tiered flat tax, when a welfare
mother finds work that pays her more than her welfare check, she's on
her way up instead of penalized. So far as those on welfare are
concerned, welfare payments could be increased by sixteen percent to
level the low end of the playing field and that money would come directly
back in taxes. So the basic support net wouldn't change and the
cost of the support net wouldn't change, just the incentives to work.
Welfare recipients would at last be encouraged out of their dependence.
How would a flat-tax improve the
business climate? At the present time, business is encouraged
to run inefficiently by the complexity and the outright subsidy of the
tax code. Corporations accumulate more paper shufflers than they
efficiently need, because paper shufflers are deductible.
But they add nothing to the value of product. Business is encouraged
to keep expenses at the high end of the scale, because only net profit
is taxed and thereby, government subsidizes business to run fat through
the tax code.
Private citizens, you and I and
the president of General Motors, pay for that subsidy through an outrageously
complicated and inequitable personal income tax. If business paid
a flat tax on gross income, they would become enormously more efficient
and competitive. All cost savings would fall directly to the bottom
line. That efficiency would bring down prices and increase markets,
particularly foreign markets.
Cutting out the needless and unproductive
overhead may sound like a loss of jobs, rather than job security.
In part and in the short term, that's
correct. But the federal government, through manipulation of the
tax code the tax code has no business being in the social engineering
game. If markets increase, jobs increase and we can begin to wean
ourselves away from the micro-management of the economy by Congress.
Business is a tough game, more and more an international game and it
can only be run successfully over the long-term by serving expanding
markets. The Congress knows nothing about business, they've given
ample evidence of that by the way they've run the largest business of
them all, the federal government. Yet they have forced upon us
a system of lobbyists, forced the business community to work for years
at cross purposes, just to get what they need to compete. An unworkable
and incomprehensible tax system makes no logical sense and as world
markets become more interdependent, such government interference becomes
dangerous to the health of our economy.
Corporate America should jump at
the chance to untie their arm from behind their back. I expect
that the result would be an economic surge that was solidly market based
and would go a long way toward improving employment.
Taxpayers will no longer have reason
to complain of paying up to thirty-seven percent in income taxes and
finding out it's not enough. They will for the most part have
an additional ten to twenty percent to do with as they wish, to save
for retirement, invest in one way or another or feed back into the economy.
They will no longer need to fear the next raise bumping them to a higher
bracket or, in the case of a second wage-earner, whether the tax bite
will erase most of the additional benefit to family security.
Let me return briefly to the matter
of welfare recipients and the marginal wage-earner, because it's a matter
of concern to anyone who hopes for the success of the disadvantaged.
As things stand now, I've mentioned
that welfare would have to be increased by sixteen percent (or whatever
percent is agreed as the flat-tax rate), to keep the ground level for
those who need help. They've never paid taxes and have no history
of contributing to their government. They would now begin to build
a history of participation in the real economic world, at the same sixteen
percent rate as all other citizens.
So is this merely giving dollars
and then taking them away?
It goes well beyond that, it goes
to inclusion, for those who have been consistently excluded. It
goes to mindset and opportunity and the desire to get ahead. So
far in the history of the welfare state, welfare was something the poor
stayed on, because if they worked, taxes kicked them right back down
below what was coming in without work. The two tiered flat-tax
structure isn't a total answer to the complications of welfare, but
it will at least begin the participation of the working poor, even if
it's with given money.
The gap between earning and not
earning virtually disappears and working one's way off welfare begins
to look like a worthwhile and achievable goal. A good deal of
what keeps the poor on their backs has been socially engineered by Washington
in a well-intentioned but misguided system of income re-distribution.
The working poor's chance to escape the slavery of welfare has been
the victim, and that's unfair in the extreme for a country that claims
equality of opportunity. The free-market and removal of the incentives
to stay poor will help the low income wage-earner more than all our
failed government programs, well intentioned or not. No one wants
to be poor, no matter what the opinion in Washington, no matter the
campaign rhetoric by conservatives.
What percentages are appropriate
for personal and corporate income?
That depends upon how much money government legitimately needs
and what the gross income resources are. It could be twelve and
six or twenty-two and eleven, but whatever the final number, the challenge
will be to prevent incursions into the tax code for one or another of
the special-interests that have burdened us increasingly.
A tax code that can no longer define
itself, a tax code that pays the cost of corporate loss with private
income, a tax code that conspires to keep the poor from advancement,
a tax code that encourages evasion of payment, is a tax code that is
no longer supportable.
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