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March 1, 2006
Seldom, if ever, has a political consultant come along with
both the power and effectiveness of Karl Rove. The man is a genius
in coalition-building, that modern day making of whole boards
from slivers.
Having said that, I think he’ll be the last rather
than the first of a new breed, a sort of one-trick pony whose
effectiveness is just too stultifying for any but the weakest
of candidates. And, while we may have more than our share of
weak candidates, it’s not often an admitted failing.
Ego at that stratospheric level doesn’t often allow much
handling. It’s not in the nature of presidential candidates
to give over their destiny to a strategist.
It's perhaps useful to remember that the Republican
majority in Congress, the first in half a century, had nothing
to do with Karl.
Newt Gingrich engineered that palace coup with
his disingenuous Contract With America, six short weeks before
the mid-term 1994 elections.
Nor did Karl have a hand in building the K-Street Republican
stranglehold over lobbyists. That was vintage Tom DeLay.
So, when we come down to it, Karl gets the credit (and massive
credit it is) for twice seating a president who once lost the
popular vote and a second time lost the public confidence.
He
accomplished that miracle in the first term by getting Bush
close and then kidnapping the Supreme Court; in the second case
by
scaring the pants off the entire nation that the sky was falling
and terrorists would strike again.
Effective, you have to give him that. Two times, count 'em pardner,
presidential elections that were presumed by the pundits to be
lost causes were turned on their heels into victories.
It’s bound to be a controversial view, but my personal
take on it is that three influences will prevent the Rove-Code
from becoming a dominant parameter to getting-your-guy into the
Oval Office:
- The required whipping up of narrow-based constituencies
leaves a candidate vulnerable and perhaps even captive to disparate
philosophical groups; i.e., by example, a coalition of gun-nuts,
tree-huggers and global interventionists. Not compatible,
these
sliver groups without a common denominator, are hard to keep
happy and even harder to justify to the nation as a whole.
- Rove-Code
success requires iron discipline of the Congress, special
interests (such as lobbyists), Cabinet-level departments and
the courts. That is
the antithesis of democratic government. Coalition, bi-partisan government
is still
the ponderous model-of-choice for Americans in Washington and their home
states.
- Rove-Code administration is in a constant state of coming
undone. It’s
a juggling act that requires a president to keep fifteen balls constantly
in the air, the slightest slip of the hand bringing on collapse. It’s
simply too tiring and distracting a way to govern.
Again, it’s a judgment-call and may be wrong as wrong
can be, but I suspect that we’ve come a long way as a nation
since 9-11 and learned some things about aftermaths.
The dramatic and jaw-dropping image of the World Trade Center
disintegrating in collapse has largely been assimilated into
our collective history. Everyday life has leveled out. Striking
back from fear and anger hasn’t worked as well as we all
had hoped, no matter our politics.
Republicans and Democrats alike are shocked by the position
in which we find ourselves today, at war with an increasing portion
of the world, estranged form out traditional allies, in moral
chaos at home on both business and governmental fronts, edgy with our friends and neighbors, as well as in a state of economic
unease.
We seem and we are, pulled apart as a nation rather than brought
together.
So, I decipher from all that, a national hunger to believe.
We are believers, we Americans.
Optimists, problem-solvers, takers-on
of the thorniest dilemmas and overcomers when we find ourselves
at odds with our image of ourselves. We are an image-driven
society and that’s not so bad a thing to be when the chips are
down.
So, Karl, thanks for the memories and it’s been an interesting
ride. But I doubt we’ll walk your road again.
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